Water Risk from a Prolonged War with Iran
Markets have rightly fixated on what the Iran war means for oil and gas flows through the Strait of Hormuz—but in doing so, they have largely ignored a vulnerability that may prove even more destabilizing: the Middle East’s near-total dependence on desalinated water.[1] The Gulf region supplies forty percent of the world’s desalinated water, and a sustained campaign against this infrastructure could trigger a humanitarian and economic catastrophe with cascading global implications.[2]
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The Middle East’s dependence on desalination is extraordinary. In Qatar, desalinated water accounts for nearly ninety-nine percent of national supply; in Kuwait and Bahrain, approximately ninety percent; in Oman, eighty-six percent; in Israel, eighty percent; and in Saudi Arabia, roughly seventy percent.[3] For the roughly one hundred million people across the Gulf who have no alternative freshwater source, the loss of this infrastructure would not be an inconvenience—it would be an existential crisis. [4] That risk is compounded by extraordinary concentration: just fifty-six facilities account for more than ninety percent of the Gulf’s total desalinated output, meaning a relatively small number of successful strikes could cripple water supply across multiple nations. [5]
This vulnerability has already been tested. On March 7, 2026, Iran’s foreign minister accused the United States of striking a desalination plant on Qeshm Island, reportedly disrupting water supply to thirty villages.[6] Hours later, Bahrain disclosed that an Iranian drone had struck one of the country’s water treatment plants, marking the first time a Gulf state acknowledged such an incident during the conflict. [7] Kuwait and the UAE have each confirmed that their own water infrastructure took hits from incoming munitions in the opening weeks of the war.[8] These incidents, though limited, preview what systematic targeting could produce.
The consequences of escalation would be swift and severe. According to U.S. intelligence assessments, a successful campaign against Gulf water infrastructure could strip these nations of “the majority of their drinking water in days” and produce national crises persisting for months. [9] These plants are deeply intertwined with national power systems, so a well-placed strike would not just cut off water—it could knock out electricity across whole metropolitan areas, leaving authorities with little choice but to order mass evacuations.[10]

Iran itself is acutely exposed. Iran entered the war already buckling under a half-decade of relentless drought, drawing down more than four-fifths of its renewable freshwater supply each year—a trajectory that experts warn is approaching outright ‘water bankruptcy.'[11] Last year, precipitation came in forty percent short of historical norms, draining the reservoirs that feed Tehran to barely one-eighth of their total volume.[12] Western trade restrictions and surging fuel prices have choked off Iran’s access to the equipment and capital needed to maintain or grow its desalination network—leaving the country with almost no capacity to absorb wartime damage to the plants it already has.[13]
The broader regional picture is equally alarming. The Middle East already sits at the extreme end of global water vulnerability: WRI data shows that more than four in five residents face acute scarcity today, and by mid-century that ratio is projected to encompass the entire population.[14] The Pacific Institute’s most recent tally recorded 844 episodes of water-linked violence worldwide in 2024—one-fifth more than the year before, and a trajectory that shows no sign of reversing. [15] The academic literature on water and conflict points to a dangerous feedback loop: when supplies run short, social tension rises; that tension makes infrastructure a target; and once the infrastructure is gone, the shortage that started the cycle becomes dramatically worse. [16]
The Gulf’s cumulative spending on desalination since 2006 exceeds $53 billion, and Riyadh has earmarked a further $80 billion for new plants—expenditures that reflect not ambition but bare necessity. [17, 18] These are not discretionary expenditures—they represent the minimum cost of sustaining habitability. International law, including Article 54 of the 1977 Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Convention, explicitly prohibits attacks on drinking water infrastructure critical to civilian survival, yet precedent from Kuwait, Yemen, Gaza, and Ukraine demonstrates that these protections have consistently failed to deter such attacks.[19]
Some believe markets have priced in energy supply disruptions – something we think may prove wrong.
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March 31, 2026 |
| Authors: Matthew Malgari, Nathan Przybylo, Dr. Sanjeev Bhojraj and John Durkin
March 31, 2026
Authors: Matthew Malgari, Nathan Przybylo, Dr. Sanjeev Bhojraj and John Durkin


